Freedom Fight of 1857
The British were completely in saddle in India and were capturing native states one by one. The East India Company which had come to India as a trader was soon becoming a master and the whole country was reeling at their feet.
Their capital was at Murshidabad, where the Governor-General resided and he in council was taking important decisions pertaining to the country. The British, apart from their European officers, had created a strong army of native soldiers who were trained in the use of guns and other missiles. A new type of cartridges known as greased cartridges were introduced to the army and they had to be cut open by teeth. It was rumored that the cartridges contained the fat of bullock and swine, which produced great resentment in the Hindu and Muslim soldiers of the regiment.
Since the religious feelings were hurt, the Government found it difficult to control the passions of people. When Lt. Colonel Mitchell commanding the 19th regiment distributed the cartridges on 25th February 1857 to the soldiers, they refused to accept them. On 29th of March, Sepoy Mangal Pandey of the 34th regiment at Barrackpur rushed out of the parade ground shouting to his friends, "You will have to bite the cartridges." Mangal Pandey had a loaded musket which he fired at Hewson and wounded him. Another Officer Lt. Baugh the adjutant of the 34th regiment wanted to overpower Mangal Pandey, but he hid himself behind the gun and fired at the officer which struck his horse. This macabre drama continued for some time till Brigadier General Hearsay rode on his horse along with his son and challenged Mangal Pandey. On seeing the Brigadier General he discharged the musket on his body and got wounded.
Mangal Pandey was court marshalled for muting and outrage, and was hung to gallows on 3rd April 1857. This martyrdom acted as a conflagration and all the important centers in India were on fire towards the close of April. The army cantonment in Lucknow, Meerut and Delhi started behaving in a most provocative manner. Indications of dissatisfaction were seen at Lucknow also, where Sir Henry Lawrence the British resident did try to pacify the sepoys but it was of no avail.
The clouds of anti-British feeling started rising in Meerut and a rumor was clandestinely circulated amongst the high caste sepoys, that they would be deprived of their religion, because the bones of bullock were added to the flour and thus the defiled Brahmans would be obliged to embrace Christianity.
The remonstrances and arguments were listened with sullen impatience and it soon became evident that some deep seated hostile feelings were growing against the Company in the minds of the rebels. The native army was waiting for the slightest provocation to burst into active revolt.
The causes of mutiny were multifarious but the expansionist policies of Lord Dalhousie added fuel to fire. The collapse of the Maratha empire and the rise of the British had created such a vacuum in the Indian Political scene that the small chieftains and the disbanded soldiers of the local armies were roaming around in large numbers giving vent to their discontent against alien rule. New laws and new taxes posed a heavy burden on the already Impoverished people. The vast territories that had been annexed or usurped by a Doctrine of Lapse or other devices offended the common man and the royal houses alike. Land settlements had become oppressive and new civil laws so created were absolutely foreign to our soil. The decrees passed by the law courts with their methods of execution were so repulsive that people and zamindar both rose in Rebellion in the form of the Bundela Revolt of 1842.
The last of the Peshwas Baji Rao-ll who was living as an exile at Bithoor near Kanpur died on 14th January 1851. Dalhousie immediately stopped the pension of Rs. 8.00 lacs a year which Nana Saheb, the adopted son of the late Peshwa claimed. Azimullah the pleader of Nana Saheb went to England to argue his case before the Board of Directors but returned empty handed and completely shaken. Azimullah records in his diary that Nana Saheb visited many princely states, to provoke the other rulers against the conduct of a foreign rule. He disguised himself as a pilgrim and visited Oudh, Central India and Bundelkhand.
Tatya Tope whose childhood was spent in the company of Nana Saheb and Chhabeeli, later on Rani Laxmi Bai of Jhansi, was so overwhelmed with grief on the demise of Peshwa in 1851 that he threw himself in the Ganga but was rescued, to become one of the greatest guerilla leaders of the 1857 movement. With the conquest of Nagpur and Satara which were joined to each other by ties of kinship, and association, there was a widespread resentment in all the areas of Maharashtra against the expansionist policies of British. On the heels of this incident was the death of Raja Gangadhar Rao of Jhansi on 21st November 1853. He was issueless and a young prince was adopted in the presence of the political agent Major Ellis and Commandant Mortan. The regent for the young prince was to be Rani Laxmi Bai. The British Government refused to recognize the young prince as a ruler and argued that adoption was good for conveyance of private rights and not for the transfer of principality. Thus Jhansi was ordered to be made a part of British India.
All these arbitrary, sometimes high handed actions offended the princely states and their subjects. This created a climate of revolt which later on culminated in the Mutiny of 1857. Even such public welfare activities, like the telegraph, communication system initiated by Lord Dalhousie were taken with an eye of suspicion. The people of Chanda (modern Chandrapur) a part of Vidarbh were vexed, by mile long wires of the telegraph department, suspected this to be some diabolic device for chaining mother earth, rose in revolt and killed two of the officers of telegraph department, Gastton and Hall. The third escaped to report the matter to the Deputy Commissioner of Chanda, who sent the forces to capture the insurgents.
Even the British officers who had rapport with the common people were suspicious that the conflagration would someday engulf the whole country into a rebellion.
Lord Canning who had the misfortune of presiding over the destiny of India in the 1857 revolt, had a premonition, and openly confessed before his departure to England, that the country is sitting on a volcano and may threaten us with ruin.
The European officers could not appreciate the gravity of the situation, and on 6th May 1857 the cartridges were served out to the army which were peremptorily refused by the sepoys. For this act of insubordination the native soldiers were court-martialed and sentenced to periods of imprisonment varying from 6 to 10 years.
Thus, on May 12th, Meerut was in turmoil and over a slightest incident people broke out into open rebellion. There was indiscriminate killing and Colonel Finish of the 11th Infantry, Capt. Taylor and Capt. Donald of the 20th Native Infantry, with women and children were shot dead.
The news of the native army having revolted, against the company forces, reached Sagar, Jabalpur and Damoh towns and the native soldiers secretly began to conspire against the European army.
There was already a Bundela revolt 14 in 1842, where a few of the zamindars of Sagar district had refused to honor the decrees passed by the Civil Courts. The British had repeated the same error which they committed in Madras by levying inflated rates of revenue on the poor and impoverished people. The rebellion started from Sagar District in March 1842 and reached Jabalpur district by April 1842.
Raja Hirde Shah of Heerapur (now in Narsinghpur district), and a Gond Raja, Delan Shah of Madanpur, openly defied the orders of the British 18 officers. Thakur Hindupat of Katra Belkheda collected an army and mounted a gun to openly challenge the authority of the Commissioner Jabalpur. Hirde Shah and his family were captured on 22.12.1, 1842 and Hindupat surrendered before the Assistant Commissioner Jabalpur on 19th September 1842.
The other rebels also surrendered by April 1843. Although the British had learnt a great lesson from 1842 mishap, discontent was still growing in large majority of people. In a tactical move to appease the distraught subjects, Lord Ellenborough made a general reduction of 10% in the revenue throughout the district. He made a clean sweep of British administrative machinery and appointed Colonel Sleeman who was able to pacify the chiefs and took some benevolent measures to appease the people. Although the ghost was dead the apparition continued to haunt people and when the news of open rebellion in Delhi-Meerut area, reached Jabalpur there was a general excitement from 19th to 22nd May 1857. The events in Jhansi on 8th June added fuel to fire.
52nd Bengal Native Infantry
Overview
The regiments of Bengal Native Infantry, alongside the regiments of Bengal European Infantry, were the regular infantry components of the East India Company's Bengal Army from the raising of the first Native battalion in 1757 to the passing into law of the Government of India Act 1858 (as a direct result of the Indian Mutiny). At this latter point control of the East India Company's Bengal Presidency passed to the British Government. The first locally recruited battalion was raised by the East India Company in 1757 and by the start of 1857 there were 74 regiments of Bengal Native Infantry in the Bengal Army. Following the Mutiny the Presidency armies came under the direct control of the United Kingdom Government and there was a widespread reorganization of the Bengal Army that saw the Bengal Native Infantry regiments reduced to 45.
- Contrary to what the name would imply, the Bengal native infantry hardly drew any recruits from Bengal proper. Instead, its ranks were filled mainly by residents of Oudh, Bihar and the upper provinces of the Bengal Presidency.
- Three-fourths of the Bengal native infantry were high caste Hindus and the rest one fourth consisted of Muslims and low' caste Hindus (Brahmins and Kshatriyas - formed the majority)
- One Infantry battalion consisted of 100 soldiers and 10 battalions made a company.
- Jabalpur was the headquarters of the Saugor and Nerbudda Territories and Major W.C. Erskine was its Commissioner. At the time of the revolt of 1857, Jabalpur was garrisoned by the 52nd regiment of the Bengal Native Infantry
- The title "Bengal Native Infantry" fell out of use in 1885 and the Bengal Infantry regiments ceased to exist when the three separate Presidency armies were absorbed into the British Indian Army in 1903. There are units currently serving in the armies of India, Pakistan and the United Kingdom who can trace their lineage directly to units of the Bengal Native Infantry, for example the Jat Regiment in the Indian Army, the Royal Gurkha Rifles in the British Army and 6th Battalion, The Punjab Regiment in the Army of Pakistan.
Pay, Allowances & Pension of Native Infantry from 1837
News of the Rebellion reaches the 52nd Native Bengal Infantry
In spite of the inadequate means of communication, the news of the events at Delhi and Meerut reached Sagar and Jabalpur and the next day at Damoh, a week after they had occurred. In the words of Major Erskine, "It did not appear to create any great excitement amongst the natives but a great deal of horror at the cruelties was expressed by the sepoys and the towns people and much alarm was felt by many of the Europeans at all the stations. Nothing however occurred and the target practice of the 52nd went on as usual."
As the Indian troops stationed at Jabalpur were affected by the news of the Meerut uprising, on 19th May 1857 signs of distrust between the Indian soldiers and their British officers manifested themselves as information was received and transmitted to the Officer Commanding, Colonel Jamieson of "the existence of a bad feeling among the men 52nd." The British officers were, thus, put on their guard and preparations were set on foot to meet the mutinous situation.
Very soon excitement prevailed in Jabalpur. At two in the morning of 19 May, Major Erskine was awoken by Major Sleeman, Superintendent of the Thuggee Department who informed him that the 52nd would rise at daybreak and murder every European. He had heard this from Captain Venrenen, Revenue Surveyor, to whom it was told by Mr. Campbell, one of his uncovenanted Assistants. He hastily dressed and went to Major Sleeman's house where all the European residents were assembled for immediate flight. He disbelieved the story and counselled delay till some sign should be shown by the sepoys who were perfectly quiet in their lines. The officers of the regiment brought their wives and children to Sleeman's house and then went to their lines. Target practice took place as usual and by sunrise most of the Europeans were back in their houses. The sepoys expressed extreme annoyance at this report and the native officers demanded its
enquiry. It was conducted at the Commissioner's house on 20 May and it was proved that there was not the slightest foundation in the report. But the men of the 52nd had been getting restive. They were apprehensive because of the open distrust exhibited by the officers towards them.
Again on 22 May there was an excitement in Jabalpur and it was considered advisable that a public building be selected as a shelter in case of danger. There was another panic on 5 June in consequence of Mr. Campbell again spreading a false alarm. Major Erskine ordered him out of the station and recommended more caution to others. Captain Pinkney, the Deputy Commissioner, and the Commissioner then resolved that whatever occurred they would not leave their posts, but all ladies and children were recommended to leave Jabalpur and go to Calcutta or Nagpur. Although, at times, intelligence from the disturbed districts occasioned much anxiety to the European residents, who had no means of repressing outrage if attempted by the troops, yet nothing to warrant a serious apprehension of immediate danger had occurred.
In the language of one who shared the sunshine and shade of the position, was “one day full of hope, and cheered by a feeling of comparative security, and the next by gloomy forebodings, that led them to estimate their lives, as not worth a day's purchase.
With the news of stirring events in Jhansi on 8 June 1857 in which all the seventy six Europeans were murdered, came the report that Raja Mardan Singh of Banpur had gathered a large body of men at Lalitpur. These news "caused much excitement amongst the Sepoys and the Thakurs near Saugor and at Jubbulpore and the sepoys were very uneasy, not apparently inclined to mutiny, but expressed a fear of being disarmed.
On 9 June Major Erskine in a letter to Mr. Plowden, the Commissioner at Nagpur, had expressed" his feelings that " I greatly fear, when the Saugor troops hear of the Jhansi affair, that they rise and seize the treasury and magazine at Saugor and if so, I can hardly expect the 52nd to stand quiet here, though we have but very little treasure - some 30,000 rupees. There is a great alarm amongst many of the Europeans here, and I rather think some of them have resolved to send their families towards Seonee, but I hope all the civil officers will stand fast, and I can answer for myself and the Deputy Commissioner."
He also asked Mr. Plowden for a detachment of the Madras force, to strengthen the detachment at Seoni. He further stated "Here all is quiet, and to all appearance, the 52nd are behaving very well; but there is no saying how long this will last. I feel sure, that if the 52nd heard of a Madras force coming here, it would have the worst effect, but still, I think it would be right to strengthen the detachment at Seonee." He also requested that the object of his letter should be kept 'private'. But on 12 June a rumour prevailed in the Jabalpur Cantonment that "a large force of Europeans or Madrassees was advancing upon the forced marches, for the purpose of disarming the 52nd. The report instantly threw the entire corps into a state of angry excitement, which assumed the features of general mutiny. The officers were treated with disrespect & general orders contemptuously disregarded.
Whilst this disturbance raged in the lines, the Subedar Major of the regiment, an old and favourite officer, hastened to Major Erskine's quarters and represented the excited state of the regiment, at the same time suggesting, that "a men of the each company should be allowed to leave to examine the roads and intervening country for a short time and thereby satisfy the corps that no European troops were approaching in any direction - the assurance of their officers to that effect not being believed! To this extraordinary act of humiliation and confession of weakness the major assented; "
Some sepoys were sent out on the different roads to see whether the European force was marching up for disarming them. They returned and reported that they had neither heard of nor seen any approaching force and the excitement died down." The situation in Jabalpur was, thus, one of more anxiety and less action.
On the 16th of June one of the men of 52nd attempted to murder the Adjutant; and, though the man in question was subsequently released on the ground of insanity, the conduct of his comrades a little later proved that there had been method & a plan in his madness. British assumed with familiar air of arrogance that men of 52nd would not revolt and would disarm if a British force is sent to do so. Commanding Officer failed to read the mood of the Regiment and made the mistake of under estimating them there by retaining their Ladies & Children in Jabalpur station.
The Kamthi movable column consisted of the 33rd Madras Native Infantry under Colonel Millar commanding the column, the 4th Madras Light Cavalry under Captain Tottenham, a battery of Field Artillery under Captain Jones, and one company Rifles of the Nagpur Irregular Force, under Lieutenant Pereira. This column marched into Jabalpur on the 2nd of August 1857. After a halt there of a few days, the larger portion of it was sent into the neighbouring districts to restore order. British felt and were convinced that Gond king, Raja Shankar Shah and his son Kunwar Raghunath Shah were colluding with the men of 52nd and inciting them to revolt, planning destruction of British at Jabalpur and also plunder the military station. Some senior native officers of 52nd were seen visiting the Raja. To quell the revolt and subdue the rebels and also to suppress & kill the idea of revolt, on 18 September 1857, Raja Shanker Shah & his Son Kunwar Raghunath Shah were convicted and brutally executed by tying them to the gun muzzle and blown away.
After the brutal execution of the Rajah & his son on 18th September the British feared serious repercussion amongst the rank & file of 52nd Regiment. So, in order to allay the doubts, anger & excitement in the mind of men of 52nd, Colonel Jamieson and other officers of the regiment proceeded almost immediately to the lines, and explained to the men that the Rajah and his son had merely paid the penalty for proven misconduct. From the response and mannerism they judged & felt that they were successful in removing all apprehensions from their minds of the men.
At 9 o’clock that night of 18 September, the entire 52nd regiment marched quietly out of the station, without noise or alarm, and proceeded some twenty miles without a halt to the Tahsildari of Patan. At Patan a company was stationed of their own regiment commanded by Lieutenant McGregor. Lieutenant McGregor, who naturally had no intimation of the proceedings of the regiment, was surprised. He was at once placed in confinement by men of 52nd. The native officers leading the revolt of 52nd then sent a very respectfully worded letter to Colonel Jamieson asking him to release their 10 men who were left behind in Jabalpur in exchange of release of Lieutenant McGregor. The offer was rejected by Colonel Jamieson and when the 52nd was attacked by the 33rd Madras Native Infantry, then they killed Lieutenant McGregor.
But, long before the killing of the British Lieutenant, the action against 52nd was initiated and had been conveyed to the Madras column in the district to bring the 52nd Regiment back to Jabalpur. That column, consisting of four hundred men of the 33rd Madras Native Infantry, the rifle company of the 1st Madras Native Infantry, one troop of the 4th Madras Light Cavalry, and four guns, manned by European gunners, happened to be at Damoh, sixty-five miles to the north-west of Jabalpur. It started at once, on the 21st of September. On the night of the 25th it encamped at Sangrampur, about twenty-five miles from its destination. Between this place and Jabalpur, close to a village called Katangi, flows a navigable river, the Hiran, the crossing across which, it was thought may be possible, but might be countered by the 52nd. To secure the means of crossing it, an advance party, consisting of the grenadier company of 33rd Madras Native Infantry, under Lieutenant Watson, and a few troopers of the 4th Madras Light Infantry, under Major Jenkins, left the camp at 2 o’clock in the morning of the 26th. At daybreak, as they were nearing Katangi, Jenkins and Watson, who were riding in front of their column, were suddenly fired at by the rebels of 52nd, and were completely surrounded. The advanced party led by the two British Officer fought their way through and escaped with difficulty. The aggressive Major Jenkins took position on the nearby hill feature and waited for the main body to join up. Information to the main body reached that the two British Officers were killed and rebels are pressing forward. Eager to avenge their officers and relieve their comrades, the 33rd Madras Native Infantry soldiers hurried forward. On reaching the mouth of the gorge leading to Katangi, they found the 52nd had taken up a very strong position on both flanks covered by thick jungle. Without hesitating, they opened fire from the guns, and then attacked the rebels with the bayonet and drove them away.
On reaching Katangi, they were joined by Jenkins and Watson. The pursuit of 52nd was continued beyond that place. In Katangi the body of MacGregor, murdered that morning, was found. The52nd rebels suffered severely. A hundred and twenty-five dead were actually counted on the field, and it is certain that many more were wounded. On the side of the 33rd Madras Native, one man was killed and fifty were wounded. The column then returned to Jabalpur. The expedition against 52nd was not successful, though the rebels suffered severely from the fire of the British guns. The entrenchment of 52nd was not stormed and chances of the restoration of order in 52nd Regiment of Bengal native Infantry were negligible. The remnant of the 52nd Native Infantry, numbering some five hundred and thirty men, continued, after its defeat at Katangi to ravage the British property. They joined hands with rebel Rajahs, these men took advantage of the withdrawal of the Madras column from Damoh to inflict damage to the British, plunder that place and to release the prisoners left there. They then took possession of a strong fort, about thirty miles from Sagar, called Garhakota. Situated on a tongue of land in an angle formed by the rivers Sonar and Gadhairi, and from this they constantly sallied forth to plunder and destroy. In fact, as the year drew to a close, in spite of the fall of Delhi, the daring of the 52nd rebels increased, whilst the handful of British, shut up in the stations at long distances from each other, and powerless to interfere effectually, could do little more than hold their own. Several skirmishes, indeed, occurred, but with no decisive result. In one of those, early in November 1857, near Jabalpur, the Madras troops defeated the rebels, but their commander, Captain Tottenham, was killed. In others, the defeat of the rebels merely signified a disappearance from one jungle to appear immediately in another.
